We Need A Red Green Alliance More Than Ever
Against the background of a paralysed government and an imploding Tory party, with an election increasingly likely in the near future, the hope of any kind of Red-Green Alliance looks increasingly remote. Whilst Labour scraped home in the Peterborough by-election last week, with the lowest share of the vote for any winning by-election candidate since 1918, seven newly elected Green Party MEPs took their places in the European Parliament. Jeremy Corbyn said " write Labour off at your peril " and offers it as the only alternative party of government ,whilst Sian Berry tells Green Party Conference that Labour are one of the ' old parties' who are responsible for ' breaking politics'.
It is however an alliance which is needed more than ever. With the climate crisis finally beginning to get the attention it demands, and with public services on the brink of collapse, co-operation between Labour and Greens could offer a genuine and radical alternative.
In the period before the 2017 General Election the Green Party made an approach to Labour offering electoral co-operation in a Progressive Alliance. The Green Party, who had obtained more than 1 million votes in the 2015 general election, and had the hope of doing so again, offered to stand their candidates down in a large number of marginal seats that Labour needed to win. In return they wanted Labour to commit to electoral reform and agree stand down the Labour candidate in at least one seat ( The Isle of Wight) , where the Green Party thought they had a prospect of winning.
The talks came to nothing, with the Labour Party determined to stand a candidate everywhere and unwilling to make any commitment to a more proportionate voting system. Nevertheless local Green Parties took decisions to stand their candidates down in a number of seats which Labour were in danger of losing or hoping to win. In the event Labour ran a good campaign with a popular manifesto ( including many policies shared in common with the Green Party) and did far better than expected. The withdrawal of Green Party candidates may not have proved decisive anywhere although it certainly gave a boost to Labour campaigns in various constituencies, including my own in High Peak.
One consequence of Labour's success was that the Green Party's vote was seriously squeezed, as voters returned to the two 'main' parties in a polarised election. This has understandably made Greens reluctant to contemplate making a deal in a future election, given that the initiative taken in 2017 was not reciprocated or even barely acknowledged. Labour expresses misplaced confidence that it can win on it's own next time round, perhaps helped in a backhanded way by the rise of The Brexit Party, which appears to be digging into Tory votes far more than Labour ones and could conceivably mean that Labour can win an election with less than the share of the vote it managed last time. A Labour Government will face enormous challenges and opposition. It would be seriously weakened if it came into office with less than 40% of the popular vote.
With Brexit likely to be the biggest issue in the election campaign the ( understandable) reluctance of Labour to support a second People's Vote, with the expressed intention of overturning the decision of the first, has further soured relations between Greens and Labour. It is of course the Liberal Democrats who have a position on Brexit closest to the Green Party's ' remain and reform' stance, although the Lib Dems are probably far more remain than reform.
Retiring leader Vince Cable suggested this week that there might be potential for a Lib Dem- Green Party electoral pact at future General Elections until such time as a proportional voting system is introduced. Some Greens may be tempted by this, noting the Lib Dems shared committed to electoral reform and their dramatically improved performance in recent local and European elections.
If the Green Party did strike any kind of deal with the Lib Dems to promote a ' radical centre' , committed to Remain and ( electoral) Reform then it might seriously affect the chances of a Labour Government, or even a Labour led Government coming to power.
Labour is gradually shifting towards acceptance of a People's Vote on Brexit. Even if this is combined, as it should be, with an acceptance that Labour MPs and activists would be free to campaign for a ' soft Brexit' option in such a vote, then it would hopefully be sufficient to reassure Greens. This would leave ' what happened last time' as the principal barrier to achieving an alliance or at least an understanding.
It falls to Labour to take the initiative. It should support Caroline Lucas in Brighton Pavillion, promising a key role in a Labour led government. It should agree to stand aside in at least one Green target seat. Crucially it should make a commitment to consider electoral reform as part of the Constitutional Convention it is promising it its first term of office. Finally, it should acknowledge the role that Greens have played in bringing climate and other environmental issues to the top of the political agenda.
In return Greens should stand aside in Labour/Tory marginals and call on supporters to vote Labour where there is no Green candidate. In doing so many Greens will recognise that, beyond Brexit, the best hope of serious and radical action on both climate change and social justice rests with the election of a Labour led government. Such a government will share many of the same values as themselves and will be as determined as they are to stop our social fabric collapsing and our planet burning. Greens could also be confident that if electoral reform was included in Labour's Constitutional Convention then they would win the argument on the issue, with a growing majority of voters increasingly convinced that the existing political system is indeed well and truly broken.
It is however an alliance which is needed more than ever. With the climate crisis finally beginning to get the attention it demands, and with public services on the brink of collapse, co-operation between Labour and Greens could offer a genuine and radical alternative.
In the period before the 2017 General Election the Green Party made an approach to Labour offering electoral co-operation in a Progressive Alliance. The Green Party, who had obtained more than 1 million votes in the 2015 general election, and had the hope of doing so again, offered to stand their candidates down in a large number of marginal seats that Labour needed to win. In return they wanted Labour to commit to electoral reform and agree stand down the Labour candidate in at least one seat ( The Isle of Wight) , where the Green Party thought they had a prospect of winning.
The talks came to nothing, with the Labour Party determined to stand a candidate everywhere and unwilling to make any commitment to a more proportionate voting system. Nevertheless local Green Parties took decisions to stand their candidates down in a number of seats which Labour were in danger of losing or hoping to win. In the event Labour ran a good campaign with a popular manifesto ( including many policies shared in common with the Green Party) and did far better than expected. The withdrawal of Green Party candidates may not have proved decisive anywhere although it certainly gave a boost to Labour campaigns in various constituencies, including my own in High Peak.
One consequence of Labour's success was that the Green Party's vote was seriously squeezed, as voters returned to the two 'main' parties in a polarised election. This has understandably made Greens reluctant to contemplate making a deal in a future election, given that the initiative taken in 2017 was not reciprocated or even barely acknowledged. Labour expresses misplaced confidence that it can win on it's own next time round, perhaps helped in a backhanded way by the rise of The Brexit Party, which appears to be digging into Tory votes far more than Labour ones and could conceivably mean that Labour can win an election with less than the share of the vote it managed last time. A Labour Government will face enormous challenges and opposition. It would be seriously weakened if it came into office with less than 40% of the popular vote.
With Brexit likely to be the biggest issue in the election campaign the ( understandable) reluctance of Labour to support a second People's Vote, with the expressed intention of overturning the decision of the first, has further soured relations between Greens and Labour. It is of course the Liberal Democrats who have a position on Brexit closest to the Green Party's ' remain and reform' stance, although the Lib Dems are probably far more remain than reform.
Retiring leader Vince Cable suggested this week that there might be potential for a Lib Dem- Green Party electoral pact at future General Elections until such time as a proportional voting system is introduced. Some Greens may be tempted by this, noting the Lib Dems shared committed to electoral reform and their dramatically improved performance in recent local and European elections.
If the Green Party did strike any kind of deal with the Lib Dems to promote a ' radical centre' , committed to Remain and ( electoral) Reform then it might seriously affect the chances of a Labour Government, or even a Labour led Government coming to power.
Labour is gradually shifting towards acceptance of a People's Vote on Brexit. Even if this is combined, as it should be, with an acceptance that Labour MPs and activists would be free to campaign for a ' soft Brexit' option in such a vote, then it would hopefully be sufficient to reassure Greens. This would leave ' what happened last time' as the principal barrier to achieving an alliance or at least an understanding.
It falls to Labour to take the initiative. It should support Caroline Lucas in Brighton Pavillion, promising a key role in a Labour led government. It should agree to stand aside in at least one Green target seat. Crucially it should make a commitment to consider electoral reform as part of the Constitutional Convention it is promising it its first term of office. Finally, it should acknowledge the role that Greens have played in bringing climate and other environmental issues to the top of the political agenda.
In return Greens should stand aside in Labour/Tory marginals and call on supporters to vote Labour where there is no Green candidate. In doing so many Greens will recognise that, beyond Brexit, the best hope of serious and radical action on both climate change and social justice rests with the election of a Labour led government. Such a government will share many of the same values as themselves and will be as determined as they are to stop our social fabric collapsing and our planet burning. Greens could also be confident that if electoral reform was included in Labour's Constitutional Convention then they would win the argument on the issue, with a growing majority of voters increasingly convinced that the existing political system is indeed well and truly broken.
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